METROPOLITAN TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY
(UTEM ) State of Chile
To : Jeff Dumas
Professor of Political Economy
and Economics
The University
of Texas at
Dallas USA
Concerning to : NEW YORK ECAAR
MEETING 1999
ECONOMISTS
ALLIED FOR ARMS REDUCTION
ECAAR SESSION : Monday ,January 4 ,1998 8.00 p.m.
New York Hilton and Towers
Hotel/RM 513
CONFERENCE
“ The
Economic and Social Implications of the Armed Forces in Chile “
by Dr. Eng. Aedil Suárez
Ph.D.
Academic. Director of
Industrial Department.
Faculty of
Engineering (UTEM-CHILE)
Affiliate Chair -
ECAAR Chile
Angela Suárez . Coworker Executive Secretary of ECAAR - CHILE
ABSTRACT
The conference attemp to be an introduction to the social and economic analysis of the costs and
benefits to reduce the military expenditures in the developing
countries like the State of Chile but according to the obligatory reengineering
process into the armed forces wich is
producing a new relationship between soldiers and civil society in
the 3th. milenium.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all , I would like to thank this opportunity in order to explain my paper and secondly excuseme for presents an approach from the viewpoint of my own experience in our technological university rising from the deep military seeds.
CONTENTS
1. The historical role of army in Chile and Latin America
:
A way of love and hate, from O‘higgins to
Pinochet.
2. Mission and vision of
the armed forces at the end of the military “ Coup d` Etat” age
and at the begining of the human rigth age.
3. Rethinking the armed
forces in the developing countries :
Selling out our
military installations ?
4. The New National
Segurity for a new world order and the
new enemies:
Terrorism, narcotrafic and poverty.
5. The Decalogue of
Corversion for armed forces in the developing nations.
6. Social Economic System
and decision-making in military oriented firms in Chile :
What about the Cardoen affair?
7. The effect of the
military dictatorship model in the national universities :
8. The case of IPS*
the seed of UTEM created by the
General Pinochet dictatorship
*IPS:
Instituto Profesional de Santiago 1982-1994 created from the big ban
of
the Universidad de Chile
1. The historical role of the armed forces
in Chile and Latin America
A way
of love and hate, from O higgins to Pinochet
The armed
forces of Chile at the same time of the other countries of latinamerica, were
born during the years of the Independence figthing against to the spanish
empire .
The emancipator
movement initiate in September of 1810,
in the wake of complex internal and external factors, acquired characteristic
violentes in the dissolution of the dependency of the Spanish colonial empire.
( of course Brazil cut dependency of
Portugal , but withouth acts of violence or military actions ).
There was
that confront the military efforts displayed by the virrey of the Peru in order
to suffocate the insurrection and to bend the resistance opposed in the
interior by who were rejecting the freedom purposes of the patriots and were wishing fervently to maintain to Chile
as dependency within Hispanic colonial regime.
Between the
years 1810 and 1811 were elaborated defense projects and military organization
of the country. It was created the War Ministry whose magnitude between 1817
and 1823 was absolutely situational. It was not existing the professional
soldier of the weapons, but the politician that was acting militarily.
Bernardo
O'HIGGINS the liberator of Chile,
was at the begining the nonlegal
sun of Ambrosio O´higgins an Irish citizen working to the spanish empire as
Virrey of Peru ,who destinate his sun
to The London School where this young man obtain a social and political
formation and a solid relationships with the masonic english-american movement
for the liberation of latinoamerica. With this background and as a legal sun of Ambrosio O´higgins and the chilean women citizen Isabel Riquelme
he committed with the cause of the
independence and transforming himself in active agitator in favor of the
emancipator insurrection , formed in 1810 a
militias regiment as a seed of the chilean modern army..
The
country was in militarization quickly
to such point that arrived the moment in which the quantity of chiefs,
official, and troops, was very high in relationship to the population and to
the economic capacity of the country. In addition to the active and permanent
influence in political matters.
During this
period the armed forces were maintained devoid of a solid professional sense,
jerarquization, command, discipline being exposed to political leader actions,
civil and uniformed.
In 1830 was
inaugurated the aristocratic Republic with conservative leaders as Diego
Portales. Were they rejecting
with energy the purpose of erecting to the armed forces in a super
commissioned political power with the address of the republic.
Diego
Portales built a rigid system, strong, traditionalist, duteous.
Forbiding to the soldiers be interfered in activities
detached from its profession and be bound to political parties.
Between the
Republic and the war of the Pacific there were economic transformations,
political, cultural, social and the entry of an influential capitalistic model.
The armed
forces were ideologicaly guided in benefit of the capitalistic regime. Were
projecting a character generically conservative that was identifying them with
the economic structure, social and political of the burgess society that was
prevailing. Therefore their mission was to protect the stability and integrity
of the regime.
From 1840
the government was concerned about the efficient training of the uniformed
professionals being duteous institutions, lacking of own will, respect of the
President of the Republic.
The
conservative parties were the most regressive sectors of the country, would see
in the soldiers a useful element for the accomplishment of their/its objective.
They were adversary of the milder
democratic advance.
After the
war of the Pacific (1879) the relationships to Peru and Bolivia continued
tense.
Was
existing a live resentment toward Chile by lost territorial. Until the day of
today Bolivia requests a territorial band that permit them an exit sea.
Between
Chile and Argentina also they had border problems. It were lived in a permanent
state of war danger.
It was
arrived to the conclusion of reforming and modernizing to the armed forces
particularly to the army.
They were
created new military schools, of cavalry, infantry, artillery, naval etc.
In the
armed forces was born an overdone notion of their insensibility and born a
national pride nationalism. The armed forces had to be it more appreciated by
the people of Chile.
Between
1890 and 1940s the fiscal budgets destined between 20% and 30% of their/its
total for the national defense. Without be solved serious problems in social
and economic matter.
Chile was the strongest maritime power of Latin America to
be a so small country (740.000 square km ).
The armed
forces to a large extent were put at the disposal of capitalistic foreign and
of diplomatic agents of government to suffocate reivindicator movements before the Chilean government.
The army
continued being modernized since were said that having appropriate armed forces
elements would be possible to maintain the " social peace" that would
be seen threatened by the fighting
action displayed by the worker movement.
Practically
the generality of the slaughter between
1901 and 1970s (not less than 15.000 dead thousand) were premeditated by the
military institutions..
From 1940s
the proletariat as a rule was acquiring social force in the country headed by
the communist and socialistic parties.
After the
World War II the capitalism exercised a dominance stressed in the national and
political economy and penetrated in the armed forces in injurious and deep
form.
In 1952 was
subscribed the Chilean Military Agreement -American of mutual safety. United
States would help Chile in the national safety with the warlike material
delivery according to the law of Loans and Rentals of 1942 and its time Chile was guaranteeing to himself the
exclusive sale of matters outweigh of strategic value (copper, iron, nitrate or
“salitre”, etc.)
Popular
movements in Chile, Latin America, the Cuban revolution disquieted enormously
to United States who would see a threat to their domination on the continent.
Thus it
appeared a new concept within the armed forces called " internal
enemy" that they were the popular forces.
2.
Mission and vision of the armed forces at the end of the military “Coup d´Etat”
age and at the begining of the
human right age
Between the
years 1973 - 1976 - 1977 was characterized by the almost exclusive predominance
of the restrictive aspect without definition of a clear project of social reorganization
and political that it would not be of the economic model, destruction of the
social organizations and the personalization of the military power.
Starts the
transformation to a capitalistic society with an authoritative model
consecrated in the constitution of 1981 followed by the isolation by Pinochet,
incoherences by the policies of the government without projects that to offer
to the society except the administration of their failure, a crumbling of the
economic model implanted by the equipment of Chicago, crisis of the external
debt, collapse of the financial system, generalization of the unemployment and
poverty.
In 1983 the
impact of the financial crisis affected to middle class sectors ( mutual funds)
and there was a tenuous direction in
against of the government.
This union
affected middle class and popular sector opposers constitutes the base of the
first national protests.
Emerge
other pent-up sector that it is the " young people" in the marginal
neighborhoods. It is not something ideological but visceral of the humiliated
and frustrated by a military regime that
denied all possibility of expression and of accomplishment in their
life.
3.
Rethinking the armed forces in the developing countries:
Selling
out our military installations ?
In October
recently past was stopped in London , Augusto
Pinochet by genocide charges, terrorism and violation to the human
rights so much to Chilean citizens as foreign.
In Chile
during nine transition years Pinochet could not be court on account of an
amnesty that was granted.
During this
transition have been permanent fret between some parties of the conciliation (
PS - PPD) and the armed forces where the government has been mediating of this
conflict.
Before this
amnesty the Chilean courts remain incapacitate to judge to Pinochet of the
contrary would be court annulling the amnesty, but the right parties are
opposed to this and including a Christian Democracy sector ( party of the
President of the Republic and of the conciliation)
4. The New National Security for a new world
order and the new enemies:
Terrorism, narcotrafic and poverty
In United
States as in Latin America the drug traffic is one of the principals threatens
to the national safety.
The drug
traffic is not an external and isolated phenomenon to the socioeconomic
realities where operates. Grow and is developed in the region together with
economic problems, political, social, as are the misery, social marginalism, economic stagnation, the
political instability and the domination rates.
Latin
America in the present decade is without doubt affected by the drug traffic.
The threat
of the safety not only stems from the operation of the joint of transnational
illegal activities that move the business of the drug traffic but also of the
own strategies that they have been designed to combat and control the
phenomenon.
The
inclosed of the national armies in the tasks of erradicación of raw material
cultivation of narcodrugs is a policy that creates the risk
of exposing to the armed forces to the corruption and to unbalance the
relationships civilian-military , before the expansion of the military responsibilities in many other
things concerning to the human rights.
United
States constitutes the center of the world drugs consumption. The countries
such as Mexico, Colombia, Belize, Peru, Bolivia are the suppliers. Colombia
controls 75% of all the refined cocaine sent to the United States.
The high
earnings level that throws the business of the cocaine, it has carried to the
real transnational companies development of the crime with a level of
unprecedented organization. The phenomenon has been extended and beginning to
affect to the countries in which the drugs were a marginal phenomenon (
Ecuador, Brazil, Venezuela and the Caribbean ).
In the case
of Mexico the expansion of the cocaine has meant a greater association between
national drug-trafficker nets and the
international mafias , making
increasingly complicated the control on the part of Mexican state.
The
American government from by mid the decade has defined the problem of the
illicit drugs traffic as a vital topic of national safety and as the public
preoccupation more important for the society. This interest has brought with
himself a multiplication of the tensions between United States and Latin
America..
From the
optics of the United States the phenomenon of the drugs as matter of national
safety is narrowly linked to international terrorism, the social instability
potential, weapons traffic, control of front frontiers to migrant flow etc.
The
narcotrafico in Chile has not reached the levels of substances traffic toxic as
in the Latin America rest.
A task that
they have come performing the armed forces in their/its three branches; naval,
areas and land as the civil and
uniformed policeman is the permanent and strict alertness of the border and
border zones with Argentina, Peru,
Bolivia and coastal zone, by be these countries producing of coca and to serve at the same time as corridor in
the drug trafficking toward other countries mainly as Europe and United States.
Nevertheless,
Chile has increased enormously the drugs consumption mainly in the juvenile
population and without discrimination of classes or social strata, where the difference
makes it exclusively the quality and the price of the drugs.
During the
military regime was punished severely the drug-traffickers and the drugs
consumers.
Currently
the drugs and alcohol consumption in the Chilean population is a topic of specialists preoccupation.
4.1
Poverty in Chile
The income
distribution in the years 1976 and 1983 is worse that the one which was
existing in the year 1970s. The national wealth is more concentrated in the
groups of high income.
Concerning
the unemployment increased four times more, the social expenses were of huge
differences between Santiago and provinces.
In 1987 the
social expense in national safety is 40%.
In the year
1998 the income distribution for the high sectors that understand 10% of the
population of the country was of a 46% of all the national earnings. Being
Chile the fifth greater injustice country in the distribution of the national
wealth.
5.
The Decalogue of Corversion for armed
forces in the developing nations.
1. Reengineering process of the armed
forces in order to refound his
historical role
2. New
vision and mission , where the
coup d etat age, is far beyond the scope of
this decalogue.
3. The military function is rule by
constitutional law.
4. The new enemies :
terrorism,narcotrafic,poverty ( not poors ) ,and others, but
never
people.
5. The new allieds : the patriots ( civilians and soldiers ) ,
the neighbor
countries and their people,
the
global technologies in the new order
of
the
world security system .
6. The military career like an
educational development including university .
7. The soldiers is a profesional of
armed forces .
8.The civilian-military relationships as
a whole ,including high performance .
9.The military budget is not a cost ,
just in time is an investment in life quality.
10. To have an armed forces utopia : The war is over , the peace is at the
begining.
6. Social Economist System and
decision-making in military oriented firms in Chile:
What
about the Cardoen affair?
Cardoen was
harbinger in Chile of the private armaments industry.
The end of
the war between Iraq ( the larger weapons buyer ) and Iran had an impact in
industries of Cardoen. Sold weapons to Saudi Arabia that were supposed was
going to use against their, before declared client and friend of Saddam
Hussein. In addition to producing complete industrial plants that before the
Gulf War sold to Iraq and that installed also in the ancient Soviet Union.
Cardoen it has denied emphatically
have sold weapons to Iran but in 1990 the French Bernard intermediary Stroiazzo
between the FAMAE-FERRIMAR and Iran found with which in 1985 Cardoen had an
almost closed contract with the iraníes.
The project
LPA-2 of Industries Cardoen whose purpose was to recruit and to move to Iraq
technical and Chilean workers for the installation and operation a plant of
armed of cluster pumps for the Iraqi aviation was secret until 25 of January of 1987.
Demand of
Iraq by the pumps of Cardoen was such, that is toward indispensable to count in
the same Iraq on a plant of armed, training engineers and Iraqi technical
personnel.
Most of the
Chileans were ignoring that finally had been decided to install in Iraq a group
of engineers, technical and Chilean workers in a plant that produced thirty
daily pumps. And that all that was the secret Project LPA-2.The plant was going
to be located to 80 km. of Bagdad.
When the
press was deposited of the Project definitely let of be secret inclusive the
iraníes were deposited of the projects of Cardoen.
Seven
engineers were held. Hussein pressed so as not to let to leave to the group by
that the technical personnel had a high degree of knowledge of defense
appliances that Cardoen sold to Bagdad and their its presence was necessary over there.
Other
publications have informed that Cardoen invested 40 million of dollars in 1988
in mounting the factory metalmecánica in the outsides of Bagdad that would
produce about 500 thousand monthly shotguns.
Cardoen possesses the bank of the Pacific, companies
mining field, air service, hotels, agricultural trade, editorial.The boldest
specialists were calculating their/its/your/his fortune in some 300 or ' 400
million of dollars. Of they, it would handle some 250 million in Chile.
According to figures of the own company ( Chilean military
industry 101), Industry sales Cardoen would be the following:
Industry sales Cardoen
( in million of dollars)
|
1978 |
79 |
1980 |
81 |
83 |
84 |
85 |
86 |
87 |
88 |
1989 |
TOTAL |
|
3 |
5 |
7 |
8 |
35 |
42 |
89 |
32 |
80 |
- |
3,5 |
319,5 |
The British magazine Army News, delivered considerably
greater figures.
|
1984 |
1985 |
1986 |
1987 |
TOTAL |
|
60 |
108 |
47 |
24 |
239 |
Structure of the Group Cardoen and their corresponding
percentages.
1)
Society of Metallurgical Air Transportation Cardoen 99%
2)
Metalnor (ex Industries Cardoen ) Cardoen 90%
3)
Explosive Cardoen Ltda. Cardoen 99%
4)
Mining Company Cardoen S.A. In society
with Investments Miami Lakes Ltda 1%
5)
Industrial Supplies Society Petromin Ltda. Cardoen 45,5%
6)
Investments Cardoen and Explosive Cardoen
7)
Exploquim Ltda. Cardoen 50%
8)
T&F S.To Cardoen 19,6%
Approximation
to the fortune of Cardoen
(
according to principal activities)
Capital declared USD 51.000.000.-
( 24 societies )
The
Amendment Kennedy was forbiding the sale of weapons to the regime of Pinochet
while there is violations to the human rights.
In 1978 the
Chilean government was sanctioned by United States with embargo in the sale of
weapons to root of the crime to Border Letelier. Cardoen it was converted in
the weapons supplier for the army in that same date ..
When Chile
was isolated by the countries developed according to says Cardoen the purchase
of weapons was made difficult due to closes of the sources of normal supply.
Cardoen
near other three private companies devoted to produce industrial explosives
were called by the government in 1978 to see the possibility of reorienting our
production toward the defense given the agitation of the era by the delicate
relationships to Argentina.
7 . The effect of the miltary dictatorship model in
the national universities.
The same 11
of September of 1973, the universities are occupied by the soldiers and a great number of teachers and pupils are
incarcerated , dead or disappeared, are ignited the libraries of the university
of Chile and is forbidden the pupils concentration.
In October
of the same year, is dictated the Decree Law N° 50 that empowers to the
Military Board of Government, to designate governing delegates in all the
universities, occupying these charges, active
officers of the armed forces in their great majority.
All the power is concentrated in the rector, disappearing
the participation from the university community in the conduct from the
university.
The rectors
begin " to purify" the university. 25% of the teachers are
bidden farewell and to but of 20.000 pupils are canceled the enrollments. Appear the " black lists " of
academics and students.
They are
closed socioeconomic study centers, Slavic languages department, department
medical specialty, social sciences, agrarian studies centers, arts and trade
departments, journalism schools, sociology, theatre, technological
investigation departments etc.
The
neutralization of the student organizations were controlled by the creation of
organizations of safety service
dependent of the executive.
The
universities should be in summarized counts to the service of the end of the
military government and be converted into a vehicle of ideologies transmission
of certain dominant groups.
Within framework
of the profesionalización was imparted careers that served solely for the
production and work in private companies. The investigations are practical - commercial. So much the economy,
the society and the education were defending a neoliberal extreme framework.
The
universities are converted into a mere bureaucratic form to avoid it is decided
to reduce the size of the universities and with this was reduced notably the
number of vacancies (1973 - 47.214 vacant, 1974 - 42.555 vacant, 1983 - 32.000 vacant).
Before the
military intervention the Chilean universities were practically free and was
financed with contribution of the state. From 1973 the fiscal contribution
reduced. The collection to the students increased near a difficult economic situation
and the unequal distribution of the income provoked a socioeconomic selectivity
of the pupils.
The rights
of the society to the education and to the knowledge are seen severely limited
by the “elitización” social and economic of access to the universities and by
the deterioration of the investigations and disappearance of some of they .
According
to the William Thayer book “ Democracy
and Universities” says that "The universities have as own sign the
universality of the to know and that singly dangerous is the situation that
were lived in Chile all over the transformation process that agitates to the
universities. These should be a reflection institution in the middle of
the superficialness and immaturity of the solutions that emerge of the political
and social struggles. It must be a tireless defending of the humanismo and
permanent enemiga of all hardship, terror and violence".
Currently
the universities have recovered part of the university autonomy remaining
viciousness of the dictatorship that tarnished their/its/your/his enough
educational service tradition in the professionals training, being reflected in
a powers concentration in hands of the
rectors and the distancing of the
scientific and academic aspect and an emphasis in the entrepreneurial area.
This
unavoidable military influence that lasted seventeen years been reflected in
the behavior and in the professional training of the youths that were formed
during this time, what is reflected in
the occupational performance creating a competitive system, “consumista”,
individualistic which is going to a high degree of stress in the population.
8.
The case of the Professional Institute of Santiago (IPS) genesis of the
Metropolitan Technological University
(UTEM) created by the General Pinochet
Dictatorship.
During the military dictatorship the IPS that was depending
of the Universidad de Chile was separated of this studies house being created
an autonomous institute, thereinafter the IPS became university and became the
third state university of the country.
The first
governing of the institute was as in all the university member of the armed
forces. The structure organizacional was rigid and with absolute authority
concentration in the rector.
To five
years of formed the university yet continue countless vices of power and at
this time the rector attempted his reelection for third time though the law
permits to him a maximum of two periodos.
Today the
UTEM is found in its worse crisis of gobernabilidad with a teachers and pupils unit by a democratic change that never
before is known.
The 8 transition years to the democracy in Chile go through huge
credibility difficulties though there are notorious advances , but curiously in the universities of the state and the UTEM
in particular are maintained the same
procedures , antidemocratics ,stalinistcs , and dictatures rules, for example before of the military coup of
the 11 of 1970s September the teachers,
pupils and not academic were voting in their elections of way rector weighted,
academic 75% , pupils 15% and not academic 10% , currently alone vote some
teachers and the rectors is reeligen with the own teachers that they contract
or in the case of the UTEM are capable of deciding until vote is void and when
a void vote belongs or rather the
defraudation legalized in your worse expresíón with the teachers support that
are lent to that known truth of the facismo that emanates from the power and not of
the knowledge. In this regard the
pupils of the UTEM have declared that
teacher that lies can not give classes
speaking about to the teachers
that are lent to this type of maneuvers many times by economic
motivations.
CONCLUSION
All the
dictatorships failed in terms of solving the basic problems of the society,
failed in national projects and gave a strong impact in the development future
of the societies that suffered them.
The
emergence of the dictatorships born to certain activation and mobilization
processes of the change forces ( popular bulks ) that acquire degrees of state
or social power accompanied of a strong degree of radicalización ideological.
The
prevailing ideology in the dictatorial regime is that of " national safety
" and the legitimacy principle is that of the victory in a war to save the
nation of the "chaos and the anarchy".
The
dictatorships are unable to solving important problems that affect to a nation
such as economic stagnation, dependency of the foreign, unemployment,
inequalitys, misery, breakup in the social relationships etc.
Let a deep fingerprint in societies
that were transformed and let of be what were. Putting to the universities of
the state on the deepest of the crisis , including to the UTEM that they same
created in their beginnings as the IPS .
The society changed in two addresses
on the one hand born an incomplete modernization (only advances of the
industrialization) and additionally the reduction of the paper of the state and
the elimination of all the public representation spaces.
The withdrawal of the armed forces
does not mean a substantial change in their vision of the society neither
perception of the role inside to the society. They are armed forces that they
have not been adhered to the democracy but forcing to this.
This
precariousness of the democratic adhesion not only it is of the sector to fight
also encompasses important areas of the civil society, especially in the
capitalistic class and of right. Their behavior with respect to the repression
and elimination of freedoms during the military regime is a test of this as is
also the absence or political parties weakness that represent them with
independence of the military power.
As far as
democracy is concerned to the armed
forces and their process of
reegineering ( including soldiers mind changes ) will have to understand that
their principal role is not the repression to persons or ideologies but to
collaborate in the technological development of the country and be added to the
efforts of a prompt reconciliation to face the challenges of the next century
as a united nation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
( original in spanish)
Armed Forces and Chilean Politics
Ramirez Necochea Hernán
1988
Armed Forces in the Life Nation
Pollini Roldán 1991
Armed Forces during the Goverment of Eduardo Frei and
Salvador Beyond
Ruiz Esquide Figueroa
1989
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. World Military
Expediture and Arms Transfers 1993 - 1994. Washington D.C., 1995.
Armed Forces in the
civil society democracy
Buceta Oscar 1989
Armed Forces.... Not, Thanks !
Pesutic P., Sergio
1994
Armed Forces and Military Goberment
August Rods 1990
University into
democratic society
Thayer, William
Drug trafficking : To problem of National Segurity
South American Commission of Peace 1990
ADDENDUM
( original data base in spanish and many other information in ECAAR CHILE )
TOTAL FUERZAS ARMADAS:
ACTIVOS: 91.800 (31.000 conscriptos)
Periodo de servicio militar: Ejército de 12 a 14 meses; Armada y Fuerza Aérea hasta 2 ańos.
RESERVAS: 50.000 (Ejército)
EJERCITO: 54.000 (27.000 concriptos)
ARMADA: 25.000 (3.000 concriptos), incluídas fuerza aérea naval, guardacostas e infantería de Marina.
AVIACIÓN NAVAL: (500); 7 aviones de combate, 21 helicópteros blindados, 4 escuadrones.
INFANTERIA DE MARINA: (3.000)
FUERZA AREA: 12.800 (1.000 conscriptos)
FUERZA EN EL EXTRANJERO (DE PAZ DE LA ONU):
INDIA/PAKISTAN (GRUPO DE OBSERVADORES DE LA ONU-UNMOGIP): 3 observadores.
MEDIO ORIENTE (ORGANISMO DE LA ONU SUPERVISOR DEL CESE DEL FUEGO-UNTSO):
4 observadores.
CAMBOYA (AUTORIDAD TRANSNACIONAL DE LA ONU EN CAMBOYA-UNTAC): 52 observadores
FUENTE:
The Military Balance 1993-1994, The International Institute for Strategic
Studies, Brassey , London,1993.
MILITARY
STATISTICS CHILE
|
Years |
GM mil US$ |
PNB mil US$ |
FF.AA. miles |
GM/PNB % |
GM/GGC % |
GM per cápita |
FF.AA. por 1.000 hab. |
Import.Armas mil US$ |
Export.Armas mill US$ |
Import.Arms Total Import. % |
Export.Arms Total Export. % |
|
1983 |
911 |
21,540 |
126 |
4.2 |
12.7 |
78 |
10.8 |
114 |
0 |
2.6 |
0.0 |
|
1984 |
957 |
22,580 |
123 |
4.2 |
11.9 |
81 |
10.4 |
232 |
27 |
2.6 |
0.5 |
|
1985 |
915 |
22,800 |
124 |
4.0 |
11.4 |
76 |
10.3 |
26 |
105 |
0.7 |
2.1 |
|
1986 |
837 |
24,510 |
127 |
3.4 |
10.9 |
68 |
10.3 |
64 |
26 |
1.5 |
0.5 |
|
1987 |
1.091E |
26,680 |
127 |
4.1 |
14.3 |
88 |
10.1 |
99 |
211 |
1.8 |
3.3 |
|
1988 |
1.04E |
28,580 |
96 |
3.6 |
12.7 |
82 |
7.6 |
72 |
335 |
1.1 |
4.0 |
|
1989 |
964E |
31,850 |
95 |
3.0 |
14.3 |
75 |
7.4 |
91 |
183 |
1.1 |
2.0 |
|
1990 |
1.090.E |
33,240 |
95 |
3.3 |
15.4 |
83 |
7.2 |
77 |
11 |
0.9 |
0.1 |
|
1991 |
1.111E |
35,330 |
90 |
3.1 |
14.0 |
83 |
6.8 |
74 |
0 |
0.9 |
0.0 |
|
1992 |
1.013 |
39,160 |
92 |
2.6 |
11.7 |
75 |
6.8 |
51 |
5 |
0.5 |
0.1 |
|
1993 |
1.002 |
42,140 |
92 |
2.4 |
9.2 |
73 |
6.7 |
40 |
0 |
0.4 |
0.0 |
U.S.
ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT AGENCY, World Military Expeditures and Arms
Transfers 1993-1994. Washington D.C., 1995
MILITARY EXPENDITURE in CHILE
